Israeli-United States relations refers to bilateral relations between the State of Israel and the United States. Relationships are a very important factor in the overall policy of the United States government in the Middle East, and Congress has placed great importance on maintaining close and supportive relationships.
The main statement of Congressional support for Israel is foreign aid. Since 1985, he has awarded nearly US $ 3 billion in grants annually to Israel, with Israel becoming the largest recipient of American aid from 1976 to 2004 and the largest recipient of cumulative aid (121 billion dollars, not adjusted for inflation) since World War II.. Seventy-four percent of these funds should be spent on purchasing US goods and services. More recently, in fiscal year 2014, the US provided $ 3.1 billion in foreign military aid to Israel. Israel also benefited from an estimated $ 8 billion in loan guarantees.
Congress has monitored the issue of assistance closely with other issues in bilateral relations, and its concerns have affected the Administration's policies. Almost all US aid to Israel is now in the form of military aid, while in the past also received significant economic assistance. Strong congressional support for Israel has resulted in Israel receiving benefits that are not available to other countries.
In addition to financial and military aid, the United States also provides political support to Israel, after using its UN Security Council veto 42 times in respect of Israel-related resolutions, out of a total of 83 times in which its veto was once used. Between 1991 and 2011, 15 vetoes were used to protect Israel from 24 total.
The bilateral relationship has evolved from a policy of sympathy and early US support for the formation of a Jewish homeland in 1948 into an unusual partnership linking small but militarily powerful Israel, depending on the United States for its economic and military power, with America's superpower trying to balance other competing interests in the region, including Russian intentions. Others argue that Israel is a strategic ally, and that US relations with Israel strengthen the US presence in the Middle East. Israel is one of the two main non-NATO allies in the United States. The late Republican Senator Jesse Helms used to call Israel "the American aircraft carrier in the Middle East", while explaining why the United States views Israel as a strategic ally, says that the military foothold in the territory offered by the Jewish State alone justifies the military aid that the United States gives Israel every year. Currently, there are seven major non-NATO allies in the Middle East.
Video Israel-United States relations
Histori
Support for Zionism among American Jews was minimal, until the involvement of Louis Brandeis in the American Zionist Federation, beginning in 1912 and the establishment of the Provisional Executive Committee for Zionist General Affairs in 1914; it is empowered by the Zionist Organization "to handle all Zionist issues, until better times come".
While Woodrow Wilson sympathizes with the Jews in Europe, he repeatedly declared in 1919 that US policy was "approving" the Balfour Declaration but not formally supporting Zionism. However, the US Congress passed the Lodge-Fish resolution, the first joint resolution stating its support for "the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jews" on 21 September 1922. That same day, the Palestinian Mandate was approved by the League of Nations.
During World War II, while US foreign policy decisions often moved and solutions dictated by war demands, the Zionist movement made a fundamental departure from Zionist traditional policy and its stated purpose, at the Biltmore Conference in May 1942. The stated policy of establishing "houses national "Jews in Palestine have been lost; this was replaced by his new policy "that Palestine was designated a Jewish Commonwealth" like other countries, in cooperation with America, not Britain. Two attempts by Congress in 1944 to pass a resolution expressed US government support for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine objected by the Department of War and State, due to wartime considerations and Arab opposition to the formation of the Jewish state. The resolution was permanently dropped.
After the war, "the new postwar era witnessed the intensive involvement of the United States in Middle Eastern politics and economics, in contrast to the characteristics of off-hand positions from the prewar period.Under Truman, the United States must confront and define its policy in all three sectors giving root causing American interests in the region: the Soviet threat, the birth of Israel, and petroleum. "
Maps Israel-United States relations
Recognition of the State of Israel
The previous American president, though encouraged by the active support of members of the American Jewish community and the world, as well as domestic civil groups, trade unions, and political parties, supported the Jewish homeland concept, which was mentioned in the 1917 British Balfour Declaration, they formally proceeded to " ". Throughout the Roosevelt and Truman governments, the War and State Department acknowledged the possibility of Soviet-Arab connections and potential Arab restrictions on oil supplies to the US and suggested US intervention on behalf of the Jews. With the ongoing conflict in the region and the deterioration of humanitarian conditions among victims of the Holocaust in Europe, on 29 November 1947, and with US support, the United Nations General Assembly was adopted as Resolution 181, the United Nations Separation Plan for Palestine, adoption and implementation of the Partition Plan with the Economic Union . The vote was lobbied by Zionist supporters, whom Truman himself later noted, and rejected by Arabs.
As the end of the mandate approached, the decision to recognize the Jewish state remained controversial, with significant disagreements between President Truman, his domestic advisor and his campaign, Clark Clifford, and the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Department of Defense. Truman, while sympathetic to the Zionist struggle, is most concerned about alleviating the suffering of the refugees; Secretary of State George Marshall feared US support for the Jewish state would undermine relations with the Muslim world, restrict access to Middle East oil, and shake the region. On May 12, 1948, Truman met in the Oval Office with Secretary of State Marshall, Deputy Secretary of State Robert A. Lovett, Adviser to President Clark Clifford, and several others to discuss the Palestinian situation. Clifford argues in favor of the recognition of a new Jewish state according to partition resolution. Marshall opposed Clifford's argument, arguing that they were based on internal political considerations in the election year. Marshall said that, if Truman follows Clifford's advice and recognizes the Jewish state, then he will vote against Truman in the election. Truman did not clearly state his views on the meeting.
Two days later, on May 14, 1948, the United States, under Truman, became the first country to expand any form of acknowledgment. This took place several hours after the meeting of the Jewish Council at the Tel Aviv Museum and David Ben-Gurion declared "the establishment of a Jewish state in Eretz Israel, known as the State of Israel." The phrase "in Eretz-Israel" is the only place in the Declaration of Establishment of the State of Israel containing any reference to the location of the new State.
The text of communication from the interim government of Israel to Truman is as follows:
MY DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I ​​have the honor to inform you that the state of Israel has been declared an independent republic within the limits approved by the United Nations General Assembly in its Resolution of 29 November 1947, and that the provisional government has been accused of the government's right and obligation to preserve law and order within limits Israel, to defend the country against external aggression, and to carry out its obligations to other countries of the world in accordance with international law. The Act of Independence would be effective at one minute after six o'clock on May 14, 1948, the time of Washington.
With full knowledge of the deep bond of sympathy that has been and has been strengthened over the past thirty years between the United States Government and the Palestinian Jews, I have been authorized by the provisional government of the new country for this tender. message and to express the hope that your government will recognize and welcome Israel into the nation's community You are very respectful, ELIAHU EPSTEIN
Agent, Interim Government of Israel
The text of recognition of the United States is as follows:
The government has been informed that a Jewish state has been proclaimed in Palestine, and admission has been requested by the interim Government.
The United States recognizes the interim government as the de facto authority of the new State of Israel.
(SAB.) Harry Truman
Disetujui,
14 Mei 1948 6.11
With this unexpected decision, the US representative to the UN, Warren Austin, whose team has been working on an alternate trust proposal, soon left his office at the United Nations and returned home. State Secretary Marshall sent State Department officials to the United Nations to prevent all US delegates from resigning. The de jure recognition came on January 31, 1949.
Following UN mediation by American Ralph Bunche, the 1949 Armistice Agreement ended the 1948 Arab Israeli War. Related to the enforcement of the ceasefire, the United States signed the Tripartite Declaration of 1950 with Britain and France. In it, they pledged to take action inside and outside the UN to prevent breaches of border or ceasefire; describes their commitment to peace and stability in the region and their opposition to the use or threat of force; and reaffirmed their opposition to the development of an arms race in the region.
Under rapidly changing geopolitical conditions, US policy in the Middle East is generally aimed at supporting the independence of the Arab states; assist the development of oil-producing countries; prevent the Soviet influence from gaining a foothold in Greece, Turkey and Iran; and prevent arms competitions and maintain a neutral stance in the Arab-Israeli conflict. US policymakers initially used foreign aid to support these goals.
US government foreign policy
Eisenhower Administration (1953-1961)
During these austerity years, the United States gave Israel a moderate amount of economic aid, mostly as loans for basic food items; a much larger portion of the state revenues derived from German war reparations, used for domestic development.
France became Israel's leading weapon supplier today and provides Israel with advanced military equipment and technology. This support was seen by Israel to counter the perceived threat of Egypt under President Gamal Abdel Nasser in connection with the "Czech arms deal" of September 1955. During the Suez Crisis of 1956, the Israeli Defense Forces invaded Egypt and soon followed by the French and British troops. For different reasons, France, Israel and Britain conspired to overthrow Nasser by regaining control of the Suez Canal, following his nationalization, and to occupy parts of western Sinai that guaranteed the delivery of free goods in the Gulf of Aqaba. In response, the US, with support from the Soviet Union at the UN intervene in the name of Egypt to force the withdrawal. After that, Nasser expressed a desire to forge a closer relationship with the United States. Wanting to increase its influence in the region, and prevent Nasser from going to the Soviet Bloc, US policy must remain neutral and not get too close to Israel. At the moment, the only assistance the US provides is food aid from Israel. In the early 1960s, the US would begin selling sophisticated, defensive weapons to Israel, Egypt and Jordan, including Hawk's anti-aircraft missiles. Kennedy_and_Johnson_administrations_ (1961-1969) "> The Kennedy and Johnson Administration (1961-1969)
During the Lyndon B. Johnson presidency, US policy shifted to wholehearted, but unquestioned, support for Israel.
In 1966, when defecting Iraqi pilot Munir Redfa landed in Israel flying Soviet MiG-21 fighter jets, information about the plane was soon distributed with the United States.
Toward the Six Day War in 1967, while the Johnson Government sympathized with Israel's need to defend itself against foreign attacks, the United States feared Israel's response would be disproportionate and potentially destabilizing. The Israeli attack on Jordan after the Samu incident greatly disturbed the United States because Jordan is also an ally and has received more than $ 500 million in aid for the construction of the Ghor Timur Main Canal, which was actually destroyed in subsequent attacks.
The main concern of the Johnson Administration is that if war broke out in the region, the United States and the Soviet Union would be drawn into it. Intense diplomatic negotiations with countries in the region and the Soviets, including the first use of Hotlines, failed to prevent war. When Israel launched a preliminary offensive against the Egyptian Air Force, Foreign Minister Dean Rusk was disappointed that he felt a diplomatic solution might happen.
During the Six Day War, Israeli jets and torpedo ships attacked USS Liberty, a US Navy intelligence ship in Egyptian waters, killing 34 people and wounding 171. Israel claims Liberty wrong as an Egyptian ship. i> El Quseir , and that is a friendly fire example. The US government accepted it that way, although the incident caused a lot of controversy, and some still believe that it must be intentional.
Before Six War Day, the US government has been very careful to avoid giving favoritism appearance. Writing in America and Middle East, George Lenczowski noted, "Johnson is an unhappy, almost tragic president," about "America's position and posture in the Middle East", and marks a turning point in both. US-Israeli and US-Arab relations. He characterized Middle Eastern perceptions of the US as moving from "the most popular Western countries" before 1948, to "diminishing glamor, but Eisenhower stood up during the Suez Arab-Israel Crisis assuring many moderate Middle Easterners, if not really the can be loved, at least the United States is a fair country to face, this view of justice and US impartiality still prevails during the Kennedy presidency, but during the reign of Lyndon B. Johnson, American policy takes a definite course in the pro-Israeli direction. " He added: "The June War of 1967 justified this impression, and since 1967 on [writing in 1990] the United States emerged as the most unbelievable country if it was not really hated in the Middle East.
After the war, the perception in Washington was that many Arab countries (especially Egypt) had permanently drifted toward the Soviets. In 1968, with strong support from Congress, Johnson approved the sale of Phantom fighters to Israel, setting a precedent for US support for Israel's qualitative military advantage over its neighbors. However, the US continues to provide military equipment to Arab countries like Lebanon and Saudi Arabia, to counter the sale of Soviet weapons in the region.
During the Israeli-Egyptian Land War, Israeli commandos arrested a Soviet P-12 radar station in an operating code called Rooster 53. The previously unknown information was then distributed to the United States.
When the French government imposed an arms embargo against Israel in 1967, Israel's spy buys designs Dassault Mirage 5 of a Jewish Swiss engineer to build IAI Kfir. These designs are also distributed to the United States.
Nixon and Ford administration (1969-1977)
On June 19, 1970, Secretary of State William P. Rogers formally proposed the Rogers Plan, which called for a 90-day ceasefire and a military halt zone on each side of the Suez Canal, to calm the ongoing Tension War. This is an attempt to reach agreement specifically on the framework of UN Resolution 242, which calls for the withdrawal of Israel from the occupied territories in 1967 and mutual recognition of the sovereignty and independence of each country. The Egyptians accepted the Rogers Plan, but the Israelites were divided and not; they failed to get enough support in the "unity government". Despite the Labor-dominant Alignment, UN official acceptance of 242 and "peace for withdrawal" earlier that year, Menachem Begin and the right wing of the Gahal Alliance vigorously opposed retreat from the Palestinian Territories; the second largest party in the government resigned on August 5, 1970. In the end, the plan also failed because of Nixon's inadequate support for the Secretary of State's plan, preferring the position of National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger not to pursue the initiative.
No breakthrough occurred even after President Sadat of Egypt in 1972 unexpectedly expelled Soviet advisers from Egypt, and again hinted at Washington's willingness to negotiate.
On February 28, 1973, during a visit in Washington, DC, then Israeli prime minister Golda Meir agreed with the suggestion of US national security adviser at the time, Henry Kissinger, based on "security versus sovereignty": Israel would accept Egyptian sovereignty over the whole Sinai , while Egypt will accept Israel's presence in some of Sinai's strategic positions.
Faced with a lack of progress on the diplomatic front, and hoping to force the Nixon government to become more involved, Egypt is ready for a military conflict. In October 1973, Egypt and Syria, with additional Arab support, attacked Israeli troops who occupied their territory since the 1967 war, thus starting the Yom Kippur War.
Despite intelligence showing attacks from Egypt and Syria, Prime Minister Golda Meir made a controversial decision not to launch a pre-emptive strike. Meir, among other fears, is afraid to alienate the United States, if Israel is seen to start another war, because Israel only trusts the United States to come help. In retrospect, the decision not to attack may be a good voice. Then, according to Foreign Minister Henry Kissinger, if Israel strikes first, they will not accept "so much as a nail". On October 6, 1973, during the Yom Kippur Jewish festival, Egypt and Syria, with the support of Arab expedition forces and with support from the Soviet Union, launched simultaneous attacks on Israel. The resulting conflict is known as the Yom Kippur War. The Egyptian army was initially able to penetrate the Israeli defense, advance to the Sinai, and establish a defense position along the eastern edge of the Suez Canal, but they were then repulsed in a large tank battle as they tried to advance further to withdraw the pressure from Syria. The Israelites then crossed the Suez Canal. Big battles with huge losses for both sides occur. At the same time, Syria nearly broke through Israel's thin defenses on the Golan Heights, but was eventually stopped by troops and withdrew, followed by successful Israeli progress to Syria. Israel also gained the upper hand in the air and at sea at the beginning of the war. A few days before the war, it has been argued that Meir authorized the assembly of an Israeli nuclear bomb. This was done publicly, perhaps to draw America's attention, but Meir endorsed its use of Egyptian and Syrian targets only if the Arab forces had advanced too far. The Soviets began supplying Arab forces, mainly Syria. Meir asks Nixon for help with military supplies. After Israel conducted a full nuclear alert and loaded their warheads into the waiting planes, Nixon ordered the full-scale commencement of strategic air transport operations to deliver arms and supplies to Israel; This last step is sometimes called "the air transporter that saves Israel". However, when inventory arrives, Israel is in the wind.
Once again, the US and the Soviets fear that they will be drawn into the Middle East conflict. After the Soviets threatened the intervention on behalf of Egypt, following the Israeli advance beyond the ceasefire line, the US increased Defense Conditions (DEFCON) from four to three, the highest level of peace. This was triggered after Israel trapped the Third Army of Egypt to the east of the Suez Canal.
Kissinger is aware of the situation presented by the United States with extraordinary opportunity - Egypt is completely dependent on the US to prevent Israel from destroying troops, who now have no access to food or water. The position could be at stake then allow the United States to mediate the dispute, and push Egypt out of Soviet influence. As a result, the United States put tremendous pressure on Israel to refrain from destroying trapped soldiers. In a phone call with Israeli ambassador Simcha Dinitz, Kissinger told the ambassador that the destruction of the Egyptian Third Army "is a non-existent option". The Egyptians then withdrew their support request and the Soviets agreed.
After the war, Kissinger pressed the Israelites to retreat from the Arab lands; this contributes to the first phase of eternal Israeli-Egypt peace. American support for Israel during the war contributed to the 1973 OPEC embargo against the United States, which was lifted in March 1974.
Crisis Reassessment
In early 1975, the Israeli government rejected the US initiative for further transfers in the Sinai. President Ford responded on March 21, 1975 by sending a letter to Prime Minister Rabin stating that the harshness of Israel has complicated US interests around the world, and therefore the government will reassess its relationship with the Israeli government. In addition, arms shipments to Israel are halted. The reassessment crisis ended with an Israeli-Egyptian army deal that broke free from the September 4, 1975 treaty.
Carter Administration (1977-1981)
The Carter Administration is characterized by a very active US involvement in the Middle East peace process. With the May 1977 election of Likud's Menachem Begin as prime minister, after 30 years of leading the Israeli government's opposition, major changes occurred regarding Israel's withdrawal from the occupied territories. This causes friction in US-Israeli bilateral relations. Two of the frameworks included in the Car David-led Camp David process were seen by right-wing elements in Israel as creating US pressure on Israel to withdraw from the captured Palestinian territories and forcing it to take risks for peace with Egypt. The Israeli-Egyptian peace agreement was signed at the White House on 26 March 1979. This led to Israel's withdrawal from Sinai in 1982. The Likud government has since argued that their acceptance of the full withdrawal from the Sinai as part of this treaty and finally the Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty fulfilling Israel's promise to withdraw from the occupied territories. President Carter's support for the Palestinian homeland and Palestinian political rights mainly created tensions with the Likud government, and little progress was made on the front.
Reagan Administration (1981-1989)
Israeli supporters expressed concern at the start of Ronald Reagan's first concern about potential difficulties in US-Israeli relations, in part because some of the President's appointees had past business relations or business associations with major Arab countries (eg Secretary Caspar Weinberger and George P. Shultz is an officer at Bechtel Corporation, who has strong links with the Arab world, see the Arab lobby in the United States.) However, President Reagan's personal support for Israel, and compatibility between Israel and Reagan's perspective on terrorism, security cooperation, and Soviet threat, causing considerable strengthening in bilateral relations.
In 1981, Weinberger and Israeli Defense Minister Ariel Sharon signed the Strategic Partnership Agreement, building a framework for further consultation and cooperation to improve the national security of both countries. In November 1983, the two sides formed the Joint Political Military Group, which met twice a year, to carry out most of the terms of the treaty. The joint air and sea military exercises began in June 1984, and the United States built two War Reserve Stock facilities in Israel to stockpile military equipment. Although intended for American troops in the Middle East, the equipment can be transferred to Israeli use if necessary.
US-Israeli relations intensified during Reagan's second term. Israel was granted "non-NATO allied" status in 1989, granting it access to an expanded weapon system and an opportunity to bid on a US defense contract. The United States maintains grant aid for Israel of $ 3 billion annually and implements a free trade agreement in 1985. Since then all customs clearance between the two trading partners has been eliminated. However, relations worsened when Israel conducted Operation Opera, an Israeli air strike at the Osirak nuclear reactor in Baghdad. Reagan suspended the delivery of military aircraft to Israel, and harshly criticized the move. Relations also worsened during the 1982 Lebanon War, when the United States contemplated sanctions to stop the Israeli siege in Beirut. The United States reminded Israel that the weapons provided by the United States would be used for defense purposes only, and delayed the delivery of cluster munitions to Israel. Although the war shows some serious differences between Israeli and US policies, such as Israel's rejection of the Reagan peace plan on September 1, 1982, it does not change the Government's favorites to Israel and its emphasis on Israel's interests for the United States. Despite criticizing Israel's actions, the United States vetoed a United Nations Security Council resolution proposed by the Soviet Union to impose an arms embargo on Israel.
In 1985, the United States supported the stabilization of the Israeli economy by about $ 1.5 billion in a two-year loan guaranteeing the creation of a US-Israeli bilateral economic forum called the Joint US-Israel Joint Economic Development Group (JEDG).
The second Reagan term ended in what many Israelis considered to be a bleak record when the United States opened a dialogue with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in December 1988. However, despite the US-PLO dialogue, Pollard's spy case, and Israel's Rejection of Shultz's peace initiative in the spring of 1988, pro-Israel organizations in the United States characterized the Reagan Administration (and the 100th Congress) as "the most pro-Israel", and praised the overall positive bilateral relationship..
George H. Bush administration (1989 -1993)
Secretary of State James Baker told the Israeli American Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC, a pro-Israel lobby group) on May 22, 1989, that Israel should abandon its "expansionist policy". President Bush aroused the anger of the Likud government when he told a news conference on March 3, 1991, that East Jerusalem was occupied territory and not a sovereign part of Israel as Israel claims. Israel has annexed East Jerusalem in 1980, an act that has not gained international recognition. The United States and Israel disagree over Israel's interpretation of Israel's plans to hold elections for the delegation of the Palestinian peace conference in the summer of 1989, and also disagree over the need for an investigation into the Jerusalem incident of October 8, 1990, in which Israeli police killed 17 Palestinians.
In the midst of the Iraq-Kuwait crisis and Iraq's threat to Israel produced by him, former President Bush repeated US commitment to Israeli security. Israeli-US tensions subsided after the start of the Persian Gulf war on January 16, 1991, when Israel was targeted by Iraqi missiles. The United States urged Israel not to retaliate against Iraq because it is believed that Iraq wants to pull Israel into conflict and force other coalition members, Egypt and Syria in particular, to withdraw from the coalition and join Iraq in the war against Israel.. Israel did not retaliate, and gained praise for its restraint.
After the Gulf War, the government soon returned to Arab-Israeli peace, believing there was a window of opportunity to use the political capital generated by the US victory to revitalize the Arab-Israeli peace process. On 6 March 1991, President Bush addressed Congress in a speech often referred to as the government's main policy statement on the new order in relation to the Middle East, following the expulsion of Iraqi forces from Kuwait. Michael Oren summarized the speech, saying: "The president went on to outline his plans to maintain a permanent US naval presence in the Gulf, to provide funds for Middle East development, and to institutionalize protection against unconventional weapons spread. is the achievement of an Arab-Israeli agreement based on the principle of territory for the sake of peace and the fulfillment of Palestinian rights. "As a first step, Bush announced his intention to re-organize an international peace conference in Madrid.
However, unlike previous American peace efforts, no new aid commitments will be used. This is because President Bush and Secretary Baker feel the coalition's victory and increased US prestige will naturally encourage new Arab-Israeli dialogue, and because their diplomatic initiatives are focused on processes and procedures rather than on agreements and concessions. From a Washington perspective, economic persuasion is not necessary, but it does enter the process because Israel injected it in May. The request of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir for $ 10 billion in US loan guarantees adds a new dimension to US diplomacy and sparked a political confrontation between his government and the Bush administration.
Bush and Baker played an important role in convening the Madrid peace conference in October 1991 and in persuading all parties to engage in further peace talks. It is widely reported that the Bush Administration does not share friendly relations with the Likud government of Yitzhak Shamir. However, the Israeli government won the repeal of UN General Assembly Resolution 3379, which equated Zionism with racism. After the conference, in December 1991, the UN passed UN General Assembly resolution 46/86; Israel has uprooted the resolution 3379 as a form of its participation in the Madrid peace conference. After Labor won the 1992 election, US-Israeli relations appeared to be improving. The Labor Coalition approved a freeze on partial housing construction in occupied territories on July 19, something that the Shamir government has not done despite the Bush administration calling for a freeze as a condition of loan guarantees.
Clinton_administration_.281993.E2.80.932001.29 "> The Clinton Administration (1993-2001)
Israel and the PLO exchanged mutual recognition on September 10, and signed the Declaration of Principles on 13 September 1993. President Bill Clinton announced on September 10 that the United States and the PLO would rebuild their dialogue. On October 26, 1994, President Clinton witnessed the signing of an Israeli-Israeli peace agreement, and President Clinton, Egyptian President Mubarak, and King Hussein of Jordan witnessed the signing of the White House on September 28, 1995, Interim Agreement between Israel and Palestine.
President Clinton attended the funeral of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin who was killed in Jerusalem in November 1995. After a March 1996 visit to Israel, President Clinton offered $ 100 million in aid to Israeli anti-terror activities, another $ 200 million for the deployment of an anti-missile arrow , and about $ 50 million for anti-missile laser weapons. President Clinton disagreed with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's policy of expanding Jewish settlements in the occupied territories, and it was reported that the President believed that the Prime Minister postponed the peace process. President Clinton held talks at the Wye River Conference Center in Maryland, ending with the signing of an agreement on October 23, 1998. Israel suspended the implementation of the Wye treaty in early December 1998, when the Palestinians violated the Wye Agreement by threatening to declare a state. (Palestinian state is not mentioned in Wye). In January 1999, the Wye Treaty was postponed until the Israeli election in May.
Ehud Barak was elected Prime Minister on May 17, 1999, and won a vote of confidence for his government on 6 July 1999. President Clinton and Prime Minister Barak emerged for a personal relationship during the four-day meeting between July 15 and 20. President Clinton brokered a meeting between Prime Minister Barak and Chairman Arafat at the White House, Oslo, Shepherdstown, Camp David, and Sharm al-Shaykh in the search for peace.
administration of George W. Bush (2001-2009)
President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Ariel Sharon made good relations in their meetings in March and June 2001. On October 4, 2001, shortly after the September 11 attacks, Sharon accused the Bush Administration of suing the Palestinians for Israel's costs in an attempt to support Arab for the US anti-terror campaign. The White House said the statement was unacceptable. Instead of apologizing for the remark, Sharon said that the United States failed to understand it. Also, the United States criticized the Israeli practice of killing Palestinians believed to be involved in terrorism, which for some Israelis seems inconsistent with US policy to pursue Osama bin Laden "alive or dead".
In 2003, after the Second Intifada and the sharp economic downturn in Israel, the US provided Israel with $ 9 billion in conditional loan guarantees available through 2011 and negotiated annually in the United States-Israel Joint Economic Development Group.
All US administrations have recently rejected Israeli settlement activity as a prejudice of their last status and may prevent the emergence of an adjacent Palestinian state. However, President Bush noted in a Memorandum of April 14, 2002 which came to be called "Roadmap Bush" (and which sets the parameters for subsequent Israeli-Palestinian negotiations) the need to consider changing "realities on the ground, including already large Israeli population centers" , as well as Israel's security concerns, insisted that "It is unrealistic to expect that the final status of negotiations will be full and complete return to the 1949 truce line." He then emphasized that, within this parameter, border details are subjects for negotiations between the parties.
In times of violence, US officials have urged Israel to withdraw as soon as possible from the recaptured Palestinian territories in security operations. The Bush administration insists that UN Security Council resolutions will be "balanced" by criticizing Palestinian and Israeli violence, and veto a resolution that does not meet those standards.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice did not mention a special Middle East envoy and did not say that she would not be involved in direct Palestinian-Palestinian negotiations. He said he preferred Israel and the Palestinians to work together, even though he traveled to the region several times in 2005. The administration supports the cessation of Israel from Gaza as a way to return to the Road Map process to achieve a solution based on two states. , Israel and Palestine, coexist peacefully and safely. The evacuation of settlers from the Gaza Strip and four small settlements in the northern West Bank was completed on 23 August 2005.
During the 2006 Lebanon-Lebanon conflict
Military relations
On July 14, 2006, the US Congress was informed of the potential sale of jet fuel worth $ 210 million to Israel. The Defense Security Cooperation Agency noted that JP-8 fuel sales, if to be resolved, would "allow Israel to maintain operational capability of its aircraft inventory", and that "jet fuel will be consumed when the aircraft is in use to maintain peace and security in the region". It was reported on July 24 that the United States is in the process of giving Israel bombers a "bunker buster", allegedly used to target Lebanese Hezbollah guerrilla leader leaders and destroy its trenches.
The American media also questioned whether Israel violated the agreement not to use cluster bombs on civilian targets. Although many of the cluster bombs used were the advanced M-85 bombs developed by Israel Military Industries, Israel also used older ammunition purchased from the US. The evidence during the conflict indicates that cluster bombs have hit civilian areas, although most civilians have fled, and Israel claims that Hezbollah often uses civilian areas to stock up arms and fire rockets, which violates international law. Many small bombs remain released after the war, causing harm to Lebanese civilians. Israel says that they do not violate international law because cluster bombs are not illegal and are only used on military targets.
Opposing an unconditional truce immediately
On July 15, the United Nations Security Council again denied the request from Lebanon calling for an immediate ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon. The Israeli newspaper Haaretz reports that the US is the only member of the 15-nation United Nations body to oppose any action of the council at all.
On July 19, the Bush administration rejected calls for an immediate ceasefire. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said that certain conditions must be met, not determining what they are. John Bolton, then the US ambassador to the United Nations, rejected calls for a ceasefire, arguing that such acts were aimed only at conflict: "The idea that you just announced a ceasefire and acted as though it would solve the problem , I think it's simple. "
On July 26, foreign ministers from the United States, Europe and the Middle East met in Rome pledged "to work soon to reach with urgent ceasefires that end violence and hostility today". However, the US maintained strong support for the Israeli campaign, and the results of the conference were reported to have failed to meet the expectations of Arab and European leaders.
AS. veto the Israeli attack on Iran's nuclear facilities
In September 2008, The Guardian reported that the US vetoed Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's plan to bomb Iran's nuclear facilities in May before.
Obama Administration (2009-2017)
Israel-US relations have been under increasing pressure during the second reign of Netanyahu's Prime Minister and the new Obama administration. After he took office, Barack Obama made reaching a peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians as the main goal, and pressed Netanyahu to accept the Palestinian state and enter the negotiations. Netanyahu finally admitted on July 14, 2009. In accordance with the wishes of the US, Israel imposed a ten-month freeze on settlement construction in the West Bank. Because the freeze does not include East Jerusalem, which Israel considers its sovereign territory, or 3,000 pre-approval housing units already under construction, as well as the failure to dismantle the already established Israeli posts, the Palestinians refuse freeze as inadequate, and refuse to enter negotiations during nine months.
In 2009, Obama became the first US President to authorize the sale of bunker buster bombs to Israel. The move was concealed to avoid the impression that the United States is arming Israel over attacks against Iran.
In February 2011, the Obama administration vetoed a UN resolution declaring Israeli settlements in the West Bank illegal.
In March 2010, Israel announced that it would continue to build 1,600 new homes already under construction in Ramat Shlomo neighborhood, east of Jerusalem, during Vice President Joe Biden's visit to Israel. The incident was described as "one of the most serious lines between two allies in recent decades". Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said that Israel's move was "very negative" for US-Israeli relations. East Jerusalem is widely regarded by the international community for occupied territory, while Israel denies this, as the region is annexed. Obama was reported "angry" at the announcement.
Shortly afterwards, Obama instructed Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to present Netanyahu with a four-part ultimatum: that Israel abandoned the approval of housing units, freeze all Jewish construction in East Jerusalem, make a signal to the Palestinians that they want peace with a recommendation to free hundreds Palestinian prisoners, and agreed to discuss the division of Jerusalem and the solution to the problem of Palestinian refugees during the negotiations. Obama threatened that neither he nor any senior administration official would meet Netanyahu and his senior ministers during their upcoming visit to Washington.
On March 26, 2010, Netanyahu and Obama met at the White House. The meeting was conducted without photographers or press statements. During the meeting, Obama demanded that Israel extend the settlement freeze after its expiry, impose a freeze on Jewish development in East Jerusalem, and pull troops into positions held before the start of the Second Intifada. Netanyahu did not provide a written concession on this issue, and presented Obama with a flowchart of how permission to build was given in the Jerusalem Municipality to reaffirm that he had no prior knowledge of the plan. Obama then suggested that Netanyahu and his staff stay at the White House to consider his proposal so he could inform Obama immediately if he changed his mind, and was quoted as saying: "I am still there, let me know if there is something new". Netanyahu and his aides went to the Roosevelt Room, spent half an hour more with Obama, and extended his stay for one day of emergency talks to restart peace talks, but left without official statements from both sides.
In July 2010, a video of 2001 Netanyahu resident appeared; he spoke to a group of bereaved families in Ofra, Israel about relations with the United States and the peace process, and reportedly did not realize he was being recorded. He said: "I know what America is, America is something you can move very easily, move in the right direction, they will not get in their way." He also boasted how he weakened the peace process when he became prime minister during the Clinton administration. "They asked me before the election if I respect [the Oslo deal]," he said. "I said I would, but... I will interpret the covenant in such a way that will allow me to end this race forward to the borders '67. While it creates a bit of a commotion in the media, it is strongly criticized among the Left in Israel.
On May 19, 2011, Obama made a foreign policy speech in which he called back to the pre-1967 Israeli border with a mutually agreed land exchange, which Netanyahu objected. Republicans criticized Obama for his speech. The speech comes a day before Obama and Netanyahu are scheduled to meet. In a speech to the Israeli Public Affairs Committee of America on May 22, Obama explained the 19 May speech:
That is my reference to the 1967 line - with a mutually agreed swap - which receives the lion's share of attention, including now. And since my position has been misunderstood several times, let me reaffirm what is meant by "1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps".
By definition, it means that the parties themselves - Israel and Palestine - will negotiate a different frontier than existed on June 4, 1967. That is what is agreed with the swap. This is a well-known formula for all who have worked on this issue for a generation. This allows the parties themselves to take account of changes that have occurred over the last 44 years. This allows the parties themselves to take account of these changes, including new demographic realities in the field, and the needs of both parties. The main objectives are two countries for two: Israel as a Jewish state and a homeland for Jews and Palestinian state as a homeland for the Palestinian people - each state joining in self-determination, mutual recognition and peace./blockquote>
In his speech to a joint congressional session on May 24, Netanyahu adopted several earlier Obama languages:
Now the exact description of these boundaries must be negotiated. We will be generous about the size of the Palestinian state in the future. But as President Obama said, the borders will be different from those on June 4, 1967. Israel will not return to the limit that can not be maintained in 1967.
On September 20, 2011, President Obama stated that the US will veto any Palestinian application for statehood at the UN, insisting that "there is no shortcut to peace".
In October 2011, the new US Defense Secretary Leon Panetta suggested that Israeli policy is partly responsible for escalating diplomatic isolation in the Middle East. The Israeli government responded that the problem was an escalation of radicalism in the region, rather than their own policies.
In 2012, President Obama signed a bill bill that will extend with another three years of US guarantee program for Israeli government debt.
Tony Blinken, National Security Adviser to US Vice President Joe Biden, complained in 2012 the tendency by US politicians to use a policy debate on Israel for political purposes. Until then, Israel has become a bipartisan consensus fortress in the US.
In 2010 and again in July-August 2012, Israeli exports to the United States surpassed them to the EU, usually the main destination for Israeli exports.
Reactions in Israel mixed with Geneva's provisional agreement on Iran's nuclear program. Prime Minister Netanyahu strongly criticized him for being a "historical error", and finance minister Naftali Bennett called it "very bad". But Kadima Party leader Shaul Mofaz, opposition leader Isaac Herzog, and Aman's former leader Amos Yadlin voiced some measure of support for the agreement and suggested that it was more important to maintain good relations with Washington rather than openly reprimand the agreement.
On April 2, 2014, US Ambassador to the UN Samantha Power reiterated the government's stance that the United States opposes all unilateral Palestinian movements to the country.
In December 2014, Congress passed the United States-Israel Strategic Partnership Act of 2013. This new category is one level above the Non-NATO Allied classification and adds additional support for defense, energy and strengthens business cooperation and academia. The bill also called on the United States to increase its reserves of war reserves in Israel for $ 1.8 billion.
Begin-Sadat Center Strategic Studies Center Bar Ilan conducted a study in November 2014 showing that 96% of Israeli public feel that state relations with the United States are important or very important. It is also felt that Washington is a faithful ally and that America will come to help Israel resist existential threats. On the other hand, only 37% believe that President Obama has a positive attitude towards Israel (with 24% saying that his attitude is neutral).
On December 23, 2016, the UN Security Council passed a resolution calling for an end to Israeli settlements; The Obama administration's ambassador, Samantha Power, was ordered to abstain - though the US had previously vetoed a comparable resolution in 2011. The elected President Donald Trump attempted to mediate by advocating openly the resolution vetoing and successfully persuading Egypt Abdel Fattah el-Sisi to temporarily withdraw it of consideration. The resolution was then "proposed again by Malaysia, New Zealand, Senegal and Venezuela" - and was passed 14 to 0. The Netanyahu office alleged that "the Obama administration not only failed to protect Israel against this group at the UN, it colluded with it behind the scenes , "added:" Israel hopes to work with the elected President of Trump and with all our friends in Congress, the Republic and Democrats alike, to eliminate the harmful effects of this unreasonable resolution. "
On December 28, 2016, US Secretary of State John Kerry strongly criticized Israel and its settlement policy in a speech. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has strongly criticized the UN Resolution and Kerry's speech. On January 6, 2017, the Israeli government withdrew an annual fee of the organization, which amounted to $ 6 million US dollars. On 5 January 2017, the United States House of Representatives voted 342-80 to condemn the UN Resolution.
Israeli-US 2010 civil nuclear agreement
According to Army Radio, the US reportedly promised to sell Israeli material used to generate electricity, nuclear technology, and other supplies.
Trump Administration (2017-present)
Donald Trump was inaugurated as US President on January 20, 2017; he appointed a new ambassador to Israel, David M. Friedman. On January 22, 2017, in response to Trump's inauguration, Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced his intention to lift all restrictions on construction in the West Bank. In September 2017 it was announced that the US would open its first permanent military base in Israel. On December 6, 2017, the United States recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. The US Embassy opened in Jerusalem (while maintaining an office in Tel Aviv) on May 14, 2018.
Current problem
United States Help
Since the 1970s, Israel has become one of the recipients of foreign aid the United States. In the past, some were dedicated to economic aid, but all economic aid to Israel ended in 2007 due to Israel's economic growth. Currently, Israel receives $ 3 billion annually in US aid through Foreign Military Financing (FMF). Seventy-four percent of these funds should be used to purchase US defense equipment, services, and training. So, "US military aid to Israel is seen by many as a subsidy for US industry," according to Kenneth M. Pollack.
FMF is intended to promote US national security by contributing to global stability, strengthening military support for democratically elected governments and containing transnational threats, including terrorism and arms trade. According to the US State Department, this grant enables US allies to improve their defense capabilities and foster closer military ties between the US and the recipient country. Meanwhile, Senator Kentucky Senator Rand Paul has stated, in connection with US foreign military funding to Israel, that "aid hinders Israel's ability to make its own decisions that are considered appropriate".
In 1998, Israeli officials, congresses and the Administration agreed to reduce US $ 1.2 billion in the Economic Support Fund (ESF) to zero for ten years, while increasing FMF from $ 1.8 billion to $ 2.4 billion. Apart from the scheduled cuts, there was an additional $ 200 million in anti-terror aid, $ 1.2 billion to implement the Wye agreement, and additional supplementary bills helped another $ 1 billion in FMF for fiscal year 2003. For fiscal year 2005, Israel received $ 2.202 billion in FMF, $ 357 million in ESF, and a $ 50 million migration settlement assistance. For 2006, the Administration has requested $ 240 million in ESF and $ 2.28 billion in FMF. H.R. 3057, passed in Parliament on 28 June 2005, and in the Senate on 20 July, approved this amount. House and Senate measure also supports $ 40 million for the settlement of immigrants from the former Soviet Union and plans to bring the remaining Ethiopian Jews to Israel.
Budget Year 2010 President Obama proposes $ 53.8 billion for customized international affairs programs. Of that budget, $ 5.7 billion is allocated for foreign military financing, military education, and peacekeeping operations. From $ 5.7 billion, $ 2.8 billion, almost 50% adjusted for Israel. Israel has also provided about $ 3 billion of conditional loan guarantees, with additional funds available if Israel meets the terms negotiated in the US-Israel Joint Economic Development Group.
But Eli Lake, the Washington Times's national security correspondent, reported on September 23, 2011, that Obama had authorized him at the beginning of his presidency "significant new aid to the Israeli military that included sales of 55 through a bomb known as the" bunker busters ".
The former Israeli Air Force chief, retired Major General Eitan Ben Eliyahu, has called the sale of Lockheed Martin F-35 Lightning II America capable of carrying a nuclear stealth bombing into Israel a key test of the relationship.
While US law prohibits the use of offset agreements on FMF sales, the Israeli Industrial Cooperation Authority sought to secure industrial participation contracts of about 35 percent of the sale.
In fiscal year 2013, the US budget allowance process automatically applies as required by the Budget Control Act of 2011. This process cuts allocations for certain discretionary spending, which reduces foreign military aid to Israel by $ 157 million, and also reduces funding for Israel and US-Israel missile defense program for $ 32.7 million.
In November 2013, Steven Strauss (a faculty member at Harvard Kennedy School) published an editorial calling for the United States to abolish all grant aid to Israel. Prof Strauss argues that the United States must maintain a close relationship with Israel, but that Israel is prosperous enough to pay for the military equipment it needs.
Settlements
The United States sees Israel's growing Israeli settlement in the West Bank as a hindrance to the success of peace talks, acknowledging that most of the world's powers see settlements as illegal. Israel, on the other hand, sees the land as a security fortress and the Jewish Jewish religious hold of the land is a God-given inheritance. Israel claims that it plans to maintain a settlement bloc in a peace deal. In January 2015, Jewish settlers at Adei Ad's "outpost" threw stones at diplomats from a US delegation who came to examine reported vandalism in a grove of Palestinian trees in the occupied West Bank. It was reported that the settlers recently allegedly deprived thousands of olive tree trees, some of which had been planted in honor of senior Palestinian official Ziad Abu Ein, who collapsed and died after an altercation with an Israeli soldier. The American consulate came to examine the forest because some landowners claimed US citizenship. No injuries were reported. US State Department spokesman Jeff Rathke said: "We can confirm a vehicle from the Consulate General was stoned and confronted by a group of armed settlers today in the West Bank, near the Palestinian village of Turmus Ayya." He added that the US was "deeply concerned" about the attack and that Israeli authorities acknowledged "the seriousness of the incident". A police spokesman said police were investigating the incident and no arrests were made. The US State Department has offered the Israeli authorities a videotape of an incident that shows no American-made weapons. Yossi Dagan, head of the Shomron Regional Council, urged Interior Minister Gilad Erdan to oust American delegates, claiming they were spies. The incident is expected to strengthen ties between the United States and Israel, which are already tense, although this is the first known physical strike against American diplomatic staff.
Washington's pressure on peace talks with Syria
Syria has repeatedly requested that Israel restart peace talks with the Syrian government. There is an ongoing internal debate within the Israeli government regarding the seriousness of this Syrian invitation for negotiations. Some Israeli officials confirmed that there were some unpublished talks with Syria that were not officially approved by the Israeli government.
The United States demanded that Israel stop from exploratory contacts with Syria to test whether Damascus was serious in its stated intentions to hold peace talks with Israel. US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice is very strong in expressing Washington's view on the matter to Israeli officials that even exploration negotiations with Syria should not be done. For years, Israel adhered to Washington's request to quit the official return to peace talks. However, around May 2008, Israel informed the United States that they initiate peace talks with Syria mediated by Turkey. Syria withdrew from peace talks a few months later in response to the Gaza war.
Washington Washington's splurge of "peace process"
The United States has taken a leading role in facilitating peace talks between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. The US has been criticized as acting as an Israeli government lawyer rather than as an honest broker, serving and coordinating with the Israeli government at the expense of advancing peace talks. For example, under the US-Israeli "no surprise" policy, the US government must first check with the Israeli government the idea of ​​advancing negotiations before openly proposing them, which it alleged may have stripped the US of "the independence and flexibility needed for peace serious ".
Military sales to China
Over the years, the United States and Israel have regularly discussed the sale of sensitive Israeli security equipment and technologies to various countries, especially the People's Republic of China. The US government believes that such a sale would potentially jeopardize the security of US troops in Asia. China has looked to Israel for technology that it can not obtain from elsewhere, and has purchased a wide range of military and technological equipment, including communications satellites and unmanned aerial vehicle Harpy Killer in 1999, and which China tested for the Taiwan Strait in 2004 In 2000, the United States persuaded Israel to cancel the sale of the Phalcon. The United States is also said to have demanded that Israel provide information about 60 recent weapons deals with China, approving US surveillance of arms deals that could be seen as "sensitive" to the United States.
Treatment contract with Venezuela
On October 21, 2005, it was reported that pressure from Washington forced Israel to freeze major contracts with Venezuela to raise 22 US-made F-16 fighter jets. The Israeli government has requested US permission to continue the deal, but permission is not granted.
Jerusalem
After mereb
Source of the article : Wikipedia
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